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The crisis in southern Serbia 1999-2001 and its peaceful resolution
Dr Nebojsa Covic

Dr Nebojsa Covic

Ladies and Gentlemen,
respected and dear friends,

Do you know what the radical Serbs say? They say: "Covic has betrayed us, he always takes the Albanian side!" And do you know what the radical Albanians say? Their complaints are loud and earsplitting when they say: "We are not satisfied with Covic!"

Later on I will say something about extremism, both Serbian and Albanian, about politics based on maximized demands. Firstly, allow me to remind you of the events in Southern Serbia, in the municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, which preceded our peace efforts.

After the Yugoslav military and police forces had withdrawn from Kosovo and Metohia pursuant to the Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement, the borders with Albania and Macedonia - due to the tolerant position of KFOR towards Albanian extremists - became unprotected and permeable.

Criminals and terrorists poured over these borders into Southern Serbia, and with them there came dirty money, narcotics and ordnance, mines and explosives, arms and ammunition.

The stage was set for a major predicament. Terrorists took control over parts of the Ground Safety Zone, turned a few settlements in the municipalities of Pressevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja into their fortifications, and took advantage of the hardly accessible area and homogenization of the Albanian population. From June 21, 1999 to November 21, 2000, they committed a total of 296 attacks, killed five police officers and wounded thirty-three, killed six civilians and wounded three, wounded two members of the UN mission, kidnapped two persons and destroyed considerable state and private property. They used automatic weapons in 134 cases, machineguns in 79 cases, snipers in 47 cases, mortars in 62 cases. In several locations they placed anti-tank and other mines, which resulted in several deaths and about twenty serious injuries.

By harassing the population, increasing violence and taking under their control whole regions, by limiting freedom of movement and abolishing citizens' rights in parts of the two municipalities in Southern Serbia, Pressevo and Bujanovac, the terrorists violated the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia. They committed serious violations of the UNSC Resolution 1244 and the Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement.

The democratic authorities of Serbia and Yugoslavia opted to be firm and balanced. They decided to refrain from taking any steps without previous agreement and cooperation with the intemational institutions. They appealed to reasonable and loyal ethnic Albanian citizens and asked for their understanding. And knowing that lies and deception in politics was the trademark and style of the previous regime, the govemments of Yugoslavia and Serbia decided to refrain from making any promises which could not be kept, and from doing anything apart from what was promised and agreed upon.

In meeting these new objectives and policies, we managed to keep important police positions and undertook appropriate measures as provided by the Military-Technical Agreement. The roads were maintained passable and the traffic was relatively safe in the first phase.

In the second phase, the Coordinating Body of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia was already in function, there was a vivid diplomatic activity, and there were intense negotiations with the leaders of Albanian political parties. Efficient contacts were established with representatives of KFOR, UNMIK and other international institutions, with invaluable and sincere help provided by all foreign ambassadors in Belgrade. The defensive activities of the military and police forces were intensified, the logistics support to units on position was strengthened, and the morale of the military and police forces was significantly improved.

In line with the agreement reached in the presence of the international guarantors in the village of Veliki Trnovac on December 30, 2000, the police removed their check- point in this village and put a stop to their offensive actions against extremists. The extremists, however, pursued their provocations so as to cause fierce reaction and be seen as victims of "Serbian repression". Alas, this was something already familiar, repeating the already repeated.

Massive peace efforts could not fail to yield good results. The official Serbian policy, through a series of sincere efforts and good measures, has managed to win the confidence of ethnic Albanians in the new Yugoslav and Serbian authorities. At the initiative of the Coordinating Body, a working group has been established for control of legality in police operations. The fmdings of this working group - rnost often resulting from careful consideration of individual cases - are submitted to all interested parties, primarily those who have been the victims of certain conscienceless or illegal actions.

And no one should think that conscienceless state officials, who mocked the law and order in Southem Serbia, have been given amnesty and blessing, as it was the case in Milossevich's time. They have been dismissed, and criminal and legal charges have been brought against those who committed the most serious violations.

I believe that such understanding of rights and obligations in performing state functions was the basis of success in Southern Serbia.

As you recall, we first prepared a plan for resolution of the crisis in the whole Pcinj region with the assistance of the international mediators and made it fully available to the public. This plan received the understanding and support of the international community. The first phase of the plan included the preparation, support and protection, the second phase focused on establishment of security and peace in the region, while the third phase concentrated on a political, economic and social development.

The international community awarded our efforts by abolishing the Ground Safety Zone and by relaxing the Air Safety Zone. The Ground Safety Zone, as you recall, was envisaged as a buffer zone, 402 km long and 5 km wide, separating the Yugoslav Army from the international security forces in Kosovo and Metohia.

The time when the Yugoslav Army and KFOR looked at each other with prejudices and distrust, in a way that enemies look at each other, is now a thing of the past.

Ladies and gentlemen, as there is not enough time to go into all details, I will present a short and summarized list of our efforts and results in Pcinja region:

The security in the region has been improved, full freedom of movement has been established, and considerable infrastructure reconstruction works have been undertaken. With the assistance of OSCE, the multiethnic police have been formed and trained, the multiethnic police training center has been established and equipped in Mitrovo Polje, and the multiethnic police stations have been established in Albanian and Serbian villages. Military and police forces have been dislocated and the region has been demilitarized. In May 2001, there were 6130 policemen and 8500 soldiers, while in February of the current year 958 policemen and 1390 soldiers remained in the region, deployed at 27 locations.

The return of Albanian refugees has been stable and safe. At this point, I cannot but make a comparison and sigh: I wish the Serbs were returning to Kosovo at this rate!

Furthermore, over 6.000 members of the ethnic Albanian community have been delivered regular monthly aid in food, hygiene and clothes. Our citizens are being reimbursed for damages caused by war operations.

At present, family homes, schools, kindergartens, cultural and sports facilities are efficiently being reconstructed in Southern Serbia. The Govemment of the Republic of Serbia has so far invested substantial funds for these projects and for the accommodation of internally displaced persons.

In proportion to its means, the Government has also allocated significant funds for economic development of the municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, for media development and as support to religious communities.

Thoroughly implementing the decision on amnesty, we have terminated investigations against 47 Albanians who took part in the insurgency.

All the aforementioned measures, along with many others, can not provide immediate or spectacular improvement of ihe situation, but they demonstrate the intention and the good will.

Ladies and gentlemen, we are now focusing our efforts to organizing fair elections in these three municipalities, so that the new local government, in line with the ethnic composition of the electorate, would enjoy the confidence of the population and undertake responsibility for future development of villages and towns. We hope to see the participation of ethnic Albanians in the activities of the Coordinating Body, in committees in charge of strengthening the civil society, democratic control of military and police forces and social and economic development of settlements.

I wish to state the following: not only are we doing everything that is in our power, but also I am often under the impression that we are doing more than that. Regrettably, our commitment has not succeeded yet in suppressing the radical attitudes in either of the two ethnic communities, neither Serbian nor Albanian.

Nothing pleases an ultra-rightist Serb more than shouting out that the new Serbian govemment, by honoring the interests and requests of the Albanians, is in fact selling and giving up Serbia.

Nothing is so important to an overheated Albanian as giving rise to infectious dissatisfaction. He will forever demonstrate repulsion to the state of Vugoslavia and the state of Serbia. He fiercely underestimates the results achieved in creating a civil society. He will, finally, under the flag of another country, the flag of Albania, vow to persistent fight against the Serbian or Yugoslav authorities. Authorities of all kind, even those that consistently promote ethnic and religious tolerance.

Such persons, ladies and gentlemen, are impossible to please, and I do hope that they are not in majority; I do hope that their voice and influence, under the changed circumstances, will become negligible.

In order for this to happen, in order for political wisdom to triumph, the international community should provide constant support to the architects of interethnic tolerance and constant criticism for architects of misunderstandings and their vvarlike rhetoric.

All that we have achieved in Southern Serbia, the peaceful solution that we have brought about, we must maintain now with the assistance of international community and all people of good will.

Thank you for your attention and understanding.


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