United Nations
Security Council
New York, 6 February 2003.
Mr. President,
Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
At the time we have all been showered with different statements and visions of the future of Kosovo and Metohia, I address you with genuine fear that any solution that is not acceptable to all parties could destabilize our country and the region as a whole.
There should be no doubt in anybody's mind that for the Serbs in Serbia proper and for the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia, the future of this province is as important as it is for ethnic Albanians. And it is important to note that we are not talking about the future of Kosovo and Metohia only, but of the future of the Balkans.
We cannot but be greatly concerned by the pattern of behavior over the last couple of years that has excluded us totally from this process and I regret to note that the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic and coming to power of democratic regime has not changed this.
Let me give you a few examples of what I am talking about:
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244, which we all cite with great frequency, specifically calls for reintroduction of an agreed number of Yugoslav army and police personnel after their full withdrawal from Kosovo and Metohia in June 1999. However, now, four years after the conflict is over and four years after their withdrawal from the province, it is considered to be a great provocation when we raise the issue of their return, as provided by the Resolution.
The Resolution calls for full respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia, but every action by the UNMIK authorities in the past several years has been to create a totally separate entity with no ties whatsoever to the rest of Yugoslavia, i.e. the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro.
Plans and decisions are made for privatization of state owned and socially owned enterprises without any consultations with the Yugoslav and Serbian authorities, although they are legally owned by the Yugoslav and Serbian companies. At the same time, we in Yugoslavia are held fully responsible for approximately 1.4 billion US dollars of foreign debt that we have been forced to pay the interest for, although UNMIK absolutely refuses to discuss our rights to these properties.
The Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General has persistently failed to fulfill his commitments made in our recent agreements and, at times, has blatantly violated those commitments as well as the commitments made to us in writing by his predecessor. How can we move ahead? How can we commit ourselves to any further obligations and fulfill them thoroughly if we believe that our interlocutor will change or disrespect his own commitments; particularly when we face strong domestic criticism every time we reach a difficult compromise with him?
I would also like to point out the fact that many in the international community, for whatever reasons, are dramatically overstating the progress over standards we all talked about with genuine enthusiasm almost a year ago, citing this so called progress as an excuse to significantly reduce the international military and civil presence in Kosovo and Metohia.
In three and a half years, with every new year proclaimed to be "The Year of Return", only two percent of 250,000 internally displaced Serbs and other non-Albanians have been able to return to their homes. To this end, I would like to point out that we have addressed UNMIK on numerous occasions thus far with proposals for the return of several thousands of internally displaced persons, particularly in the municipalities of Istok, Klina, Pec, Gnjilane, Kosovska Kamenica and Vitina. All these proposals and initiatives have been persistently ignored, implying that there has not been enough good will to facilitate the return.
In 1999, as endless lines of Albanian refugees were fleeing Kosovo and Metohia, the world legitimately characterized it as a humanitarian catastrophe. As the Albanian refugees were returning to their homes in tens of thousands, the Serbs and other non-Albanians were forced to flee. The humanitarian catastrophe was replaced by another one, which has lasted for over three and a half years.
There is no freedom of movement in Kosovo and Metohia. The Serbs in the province can still communicate within their ethnic community only. Confined to small enclaves and surrounded by Albanian majority, ethnic Serbs live in their tiny ghettos in constant fear, knowing that any attempt to step out of the enclave would only result in intimidation and harassment, at least. The number of attacks resulting in serious injuries has increased from 274 in 2001 to 454 in 2002. So have the number of arsons and the number of minorities' harassment cases. I also regret to note that only in few cases and after they have been seriously pressed, the Albanian politicians have quietly and unconvincingly condemned their compatriots' acts of violence against the Serbs.
The role of parliamentary representatives of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia has been lowered to pure window dressing and they are routinely abused by their Albanian counterparts, contrary to any principles of civilized democratic behavior.
In order to come up with an accurate and realistic overview of the situation in Kosovo and Metohia after almost four-year international engagement, we have to clearly define the criteria for assessing the level of the progress accomplished in achieving the standards of a multiethnic society. We are deeply concerned by the continuous reduction of the international military presence in Kosovo and Metohia that has been justified by allegedly improved security conditions. At the same time, the return of the internally displaced persons has been hindered due to unfavorable security conditions. I am sure you will agree that these are rather confusing different criteria used to evaluate the progress made in achieving the same standard. Our analysis will have to be carried out jointly and objectively for it is the only way we can meet our common objectives.
My questions to the international community are the following: Are you going to evaluate this situation objectively, accurately, and honestly? Are you genuinely committed to remaining in Kosovo and Metohia as long as it will be necessary and to taking all steps, I repeat all steps needed to truly bring about a genuine multiethnic society in Kosovo and Metohia? If you are, you have no greater partner in this sensitive endeavor than Belgrade.
However, if you want to cut and run before this job is successful, or if you are going to impose a solution that will satisfy only one ethnic group, you will be destabilizing my country and the whole of the Balkans with all the risks of the decade ago.
Mr. President, your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I thank you for your attention.
